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In a letter to Samuel Adams of
Massachusetts, member of the Second Continental Congress Thomas McKean relayed
news from South Carolina: “A general exchange of prisoners has taken place to
the Southward, and our good old friend General Gadsden is expected here in a
few days. All the Refugees and Tories
taken on our part have been given up for all our Militia taken by the enemy;
this was agreed to without reference to numbers or rank on either side.” The letter was dated July 8, 1781, in Philadelphia.
The agreement for an exchange was negotiated
on May 3, 1781 between Captain Frederick Cornwallis, who negotiated on behalf his
cousin Lieutenant General Sir Charles Cornwallis, and Lieutenant Colonel
Carrington, who negotiated on behalf of Continental Army Major General Nathanael
Greene. The May 3 agreement or cartel made
several important stipulations. For
instance, article 2 conceded, “That men enlisted for six months and upwards in
continental or State service be looked upon as regulars.” In other words, men who formed militia units
in defense of their country were not illegal combatants or “irregulars”
excluded from exchange.
Edmund Massingbred Hyrne, the
American Deputy Commissary General for Prisoners, and James Frazer, Commissary
of Prisoners for the British, announced the release on June 22, 1781.
The agreement pertained to all
British militia in American custody and all American militia in British custody
captured from the state of the war to June 15, 1781. All officers and militia members on parole
were also released from that commitment on June 22. The agreement covered only “prisoners of war,
taken in the Southern department.” The “Refugees”
McKean mentioned were American Loyalists who fled their home towns and enlisted
in the British service, but sometimes included American prisoners forced to
enlisted with the British. John Almon
and George Pownall, The Remembrancer, or,
Impartial Repository of Public Events: From the Year 1781, Part 2 (London:
J. Debrett, 1781), page 186. For McKean’s
letter to Samuel Adams, please consult Paul H. Smith and Ronald M. Gephart, editors,
Letters of Delegates to Congress,
1774-1789: Volume 17: March 1,
1781-August 31, 1781 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1990), pages
387-388. For the coercive enlistment of
American prisoners, please consult Philip Ranlet, “British Recruitment of
Americans in New York during the American Revolution,” Military Affairs volume 48 (January 1984): 26-28; and Philip
Ranlet, “In the Hands of the British: The Treatment of American POWs During the
War of Independence,” The Historian volume
62 (June2000): 731-758.
To read “Agreement between Nathanael
Greene and Charles Cornwallis, Earl Cornwallis concerning an exchange of
prisoners” (May 3, 1781), please visit http://docsouth.unc.edu/csr/index.html/document/csr15-0372,
a page of Documenting the American South, from the University of North Carolina
Library, last update March 28, 2010 (accessed July 8, 2013).
After Congressman Robert
Morris received a June 19, 1778 letter on the treatment of American prisoners
in the hands of the British Army and Navy, the Continental Congress resolved on
June 27, “That the Board of War and Marine Committee be…respectively directed
to cause the land and sea prisoners in the power of these states to be
forthwith treated, in all respects, as near as may be, in such manner as the
American land and sea prisoners in the power of the enemy are, or shall, from
time to time, be treated; provided, that nothing contained in this resolution
shall be construed to extend so far as to prevent an exchange of prisoners upon
fair and equitable principles.”
Retaliation was part of the customary
laws of war in the eighteenth century.
American Revolutionaries believed threats of retaliation were effecting
to coercing British military personnel to respect the rights of American
prisoners. These threats included
proposals to restrict the rations of British prisoners to match what Americans
received on the prison ships and in the prisons of British-occupied New York
City.
Despite the American belief, the
Continental Congress appointed compassionate commissaries to attend the needs
of enemy prisoners, commissaries who were often as squeamish about retaliation
as the members of Congress. Historian
Edwin G. Burrows wrote that the Continental Congress occasionally ordered
commissary personnel to implement retaliation, “But it also let the
commissaries decide when to relent, which they usually did rather quickly.”
The American confidence in
retaliation was misplaced. Considering
the suffering of Americans confined to prison ships, Jesuit Historian Charles
Henry Metzger wrote, “Protests and appeals, even reprisal, proved
ineffective. Correspondence was of no
avail. And meanwhile, defenseless men,
even the sick, the dying, and the dead, bore the full brunt of outrageous
treatment.”
Please consult Edwin G. Burrows, Forgotten Patriots: The Untold Story of American Prisoners During the Revolutionary War (New York: Basic Books,
2008), page 193; Charles H. Metzger, The
Prisoner in the American Revolution (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1971),
page 288; Worthington Chauncey Ford, editor, Journals of the Continental Congress 1774-1789: Volume 11: May 2-September 1, 1778 (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1908), page
723. As noted in the post here, the threat
of retaliation deterred the British from executing a famous office like Ethan
Allen, but the possibility of American retaliation did not prevent British and
Tory personnel from letting thousands of captive American enlisted men die of
starvation and unchecked disease in occupied cities like New York.
In 1776, the Marine Committee issued
repeated orders for the humane treatment of American prisoners. Consider, for instance, the Marine Committee’s
July 11 message to the Eastern Navy Board; their August 22 instructions to
Commodore Ezek Hopkins; their August 23 orders to Lieutenant John Baldwin; and
their December 10 message to Captain Elisha Hinman.
On June 19, 1777, Boston, Massachusetts
newspaper The Independent Chronicle and
the Universal Advertiser reported news from Nova Scotia. The editor did capitalize as many words as a
modern editor might.
The
Independent Chronicle reported, “On Sunday last [that is, on June 15, 1777],
a person arrived in this town from Halifax, who left it the 29th of May, from
whom we have collected the following authentic Advices….That the American
prisoners, to the number of 200, confined on board the lord stanley prison-ship,
in that harbor, are treated in the most barbarous and inhuman manner possible;
and was it not for the kind interpositions of some of the inhabitants of
Halifax, the last winter, in supplying them with necessaries, numbers of them
must inevitably have perished, they having but 4 british soldiers allowance for
6 of them (poor allowance indeed) and that thrown to them, as if to dogs….”
Commanders in the British Navy
apparently made no distinction between American civilians captured at sea and
American sailors captured in service. The Independent Chronicle reported that “our
navy-men and merchantmen are considered on an equality of footing, and are
treated more like savages than christians, when they fall into the hands of
perjured George’s emissaries.”
The suffering of Americans in prison
ships off Nova Scotia was not the fault of the Canadian people. The blame must fall heavily on Mariot
Arbuthnot, the British naval commissioner and the Lieutenant Governor of Nova
Scotia. Historian Edwin G. Burrows
wrote, “During his…posting at Halifax, Arbuthnot tolerated conditions on the
prison ships Bellona and Lord Stanley that allegedly dismayed even
British observers….” Consult Edwin G.
Burrows, Forgotten Patriots: The UntoldStory of American Prisoners During the Revolutionary War (New York: Basic
Books, 2008), page 304note22.
For another 1777 report on American
prisoners in Halifax, please consult the post here. Please also consider reports of prisoners in
Halifax from 1778 and 1782. Learn more
about Arbuthnot at the post here.
On Thursday or Friday in the
second week of June 1779, about 200 American prisoners arrived in Elizabeth,
New Jersey after their release from British Naval custody in occupied New York
City. Under the dateline of
Philadelphia, June 19, 1779, Philadelphia newspaper The Pennsylvania Packet or General Advertiser reported, “On Friday
the 10th inst. about 200 marine prisoners, exchanged, were landed at
Elizabeth-Town from the prison ships in the harbour of New-York; several of
them have since come to town.”
Pennsylvania
Packet editor John Dunlap had the date wrong. June 10, 1779 was a Thursday. Friday was the 11th not the 10th “instant.”
The prisoners were reportedly in the
same condition as most other prisoners released by British forces in New
York. The editors of The Pennsylvania Packet informed the public that the prisoners “are
generally reduced and emaciated, by barbarous treatment.”
From the prisoners, the editors and
their readers learned of the miserable conditions on prison ships: “Many, who came out of captivity at the same
time, are so sickly and weak, as to be unable to travel. These sufferers say, that the ship to which
they were confined, was greatly crouded, sick and healthy together, insomuch,
that at night when they were shut under deck, they were almost suffocated. In this horrid situation, no wonder, six or
seven died daily. Between 3 and 400
prisoners remained, of which about one half are French.”
Crowding the well along with those sick
with contagious diseases like smallpox and dysentery was a frequent complaint
from prisoners confined in British occupied American cities like Charleston and
New York. British authorities ensured
better conditions for prisoners in England.
Please check Philip Ranlet, “In the Hands of the British: The Treatment
of American POWs During the war of Independence, The Historian Volume 62 (June 2000): 731-758; Jesse Lemisch, “Listening to the ‘Inarticulate:’ William Widger’s Dream and the Loyalties of American Revolutionary Seamen in British Prisons,” 9-13; Francis D. Cogliano, American Maritime Prisoners in the Revolutionary War: The Captivity of William Russell (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2001), 151-158; and
Sheldon S. Coehn, Yankee Sailors in
British Gaols: Prisoners of War at Forton and Mill, 1777-1783 (Newark:
University of Delaware Press, 1995).
From accounts of French prisoners
suffering in British custody in New York, please check here and here. For accounts of captive Americans reduced by
starvation to mere skeletons, please consult the reference in the last
paragraph at this post.
In
his 1753-54 novel, The History of Sir Charles Grandison: In a Series of Letters Published from the Originals…, English novelist Samuel Richardson has a character write, “The brave are always humane.”
The novel either influenced American
humanity to prisoners, or informed how they defended kind treatment. On February 6, 1777, Boston newspaper The Independent Chronicle and the Universal
Advertiser printed an account of British Col. Richard Prescott repeatedly insulting and
striking an American prisoner, despite the compliance of the prisoner and the objection of Lord Percy (Lt. Gen. Hugh Percy). The Independent Chronicle editorialized,
“We shall leave it to our readers, to make their own reflections on this
treatment, and to determine from it, the character of Col. Prescot, and whether
it does not indicate him to be a blustering coward; for, according to an
established maxim, the brave are always generous, and treat with humanity
those, whom the fortune of war has made their prisoners.”
In his Memoirs of the American War, Major General William Heath recounted
the fate of the American soldiers who became prisoners after the surrender of
Fort Washington (November 16, 1776).
Heath wrote, “The prisoners were marched to New York; where, being
crowded in prisons and sugar houses…they fell sick, and daily died in a most
shocking manner.”
Heath opined, “O ye officers of the
provost! to whatever nation or people you belong, when the unfortunate of your
fellow-men are thus committed to your charge, clothe yourselves with humanity,
and soothe distress as far as in your power; for by this will you secure a
better reward than your present wages.”
Heath advised, “And you who have the
honour to command armies, when your victories have filled provosts and prisons,
think it not beneath you to visit the prison, that with your own eyes you may
see the state of your prisoners: for such visits,
the great CAPTAIN OF YOUR SALVATION hath said, shall be considered as made to
Himself; while it also gives you a name among men closely allied to that of the
conqueror. The truly brave are always
humane.”
Heath was referencing the 25th chapter of the
Gospel According to Matthew, wherein Jesus describes a Judgment Day when the messianic “King” will reject those who never visited him when he was a prisoner. “They also will answer, ‘Lord, when did we
see you hungry or thirsty…or sick or in prison, and did not help you?’ He will
reply, ‘I tell you the truth, whatever you did not do for one of the least of
these, you did not do for me.’” (Matthew 25:44-45, New International Version)
In the early-twenty-first century,
popular culture had a less praiseworthy effect in how Americans discussed the
treatment of prisoners. Gary Solis, who
designed and taught the Law of War for Commanders curriculum for the US
Military Academy at West Point lamented that his young students constantly referenced
Jack Bauer, a fictional character from the Fox Network show 24.
Solis insisted, “Jack Bauer is a criminal. In real life, he would be prosecuted.”
Interrogators for the FBI and the
military and even many at the CIA insist that interrogation requires courteous,
respectful treatment of prisoners. Expert
interrogator Col. Stuart Herrington also realized the negative influence of 24 after teaching “an auditorium of
young Army interrogators” in 2006. In a
2007 Op-Ed for The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette complaining that “our young soldiers take away lessons from today’s
pop culture,” Herrington wrote, “Self-styled ‘experts’ on interrogation
frequently city the ‘ticking bomb scenario’ (featured on shows like ‘24’) to
justy the Jack Bauer-like tormenting of a prisoner.” Herrington rejected the ticking time bomb scenario
as “a Hollywood construct” that the colonel never encountered in three decades
of military interrogation.
In November 2006, US Army Brigadier
General Patrick Finnegan, dean of West Point, brought three expert
interrogators from the military and FBI, along with human rights groups, to
visit Joel Surnow, the creator of 24. The magazine New Yorker Finnegan told the producers that 24 was “hurting efforts to train recruits in effective
interrogation techniques and is damaging the image of the U.S. around the
world.”